Faculty of Philology, Theology, and History

The Greek-Catholic Church in Banat, between 1920-1945, was located with the bishops seat in Lugoj. Besides the Bishop, the diocese consisted of the Cathedral Chapter, Diocesan Central Payment Office, the Matrimonial Court with three members, with participation of the whole Chapter of the Cathedral, the Pro-Synodal Examiner with four members, the Diocesan Esactorate formed by the same Chapter of the Cathedral plus 3 members. During this period the leading hierarchs of the Diocese of Lugoj were the following bishops: Valeriu Traian Frenţiu (1913 – 1922, transferred to the Diocese of Oradea), Ph. Dr. Alexandru Nicolescu (1922 – 1935, who became later Metropolitan of the Greek-Catholic Romanian Church) and bishop dr. Ioan Bălan (1935 – 1959). The Greek-Catholic Diocese of Lugoj included the following counties: Timiş, Caraş-Severin, Arad, Hunedoara and some parts of Alba-Iulia. During the period between the two world wars the diocese was divided into five Archdeaneries which, in turn, were subordinate Deaneries. The five Archdeaneries of the 15 Deaneries included 14 heads of Deaneries, 161 parishes, 92 parish priests, 49 parish administrators (total of 141 priests), five chaplains, 61 teachers and 3 catechist. The Greek-Catholic education in Banat in addition to religious schools also holds: Theological Seminary with one Rector, one Economical Prefect, one Spiritual and one Prefect of Studies, the Theological Faculty Director and five teachers, Pedagogical Institute Girls School with 10 teachers and one vocational School. The entire activity of the Romanian Greek-Catholic Church from Banat Romanian in the interwar period was very varied, from the care of the spiritual life of the laity, priests, religious education, pilgrimages or retreats for priests. We should mention that the published writings of the Greek Catholic Church of this region, during mentioned period, were also varied, extending from the books of theology, church history, prayers, until fiction literature. The numbers of the published works that have been identified are over one hundred books, but this number can only be incomplete, because the circumstances of 1948 caused the loss of many writings.

The Holy Father, Pope John Paul II, said in the Apostolic Letter "Tertio Millennio Adveniente": "The Church of the first centuries was created from the blood of the martyrs: Sanguis martyrum - semen christianorum". (Tertulian, Apol., 50, 13: CCL I, 171). The historical events during the reign of Constantine I had a great significance for the development of the Church in the first millennium, but without the dedication and sacrifice of the first Christian generations, such a development would have been incomplete. However at the end of the second millennium, the Christian Church became again a church of martyrs. The persecutions against believers (priests or laity) spread the idea of self-sacrifice worldwide. The Christian faith was a common inheritance of Catholics, Orthodox, Anglicans and Protestants, as Paul VI stated in his sermon on the occasion of the canonization of the Uganda Martyrs (AAS 56, 1964, p. 906.)” .
In the particular political context of the 20th century, the year 1948 represented an important turning point for the history of the Greek-Catholic Church. In Romania the political stakeholders proclaimed "the total superiority of the communist ideology". This was the beginning of the Greek-Catholic martyrdom. The Diocese of Lugoj was also affected by the ideological measures. In particular, according to the decree regarding the dissolution of the Greek Catholic Church, 59 Greek Catholic priests (27.96% of the 211 priests, coming from the clergy of the Diocese of Lugoj), became priests of the Orthodox Church, 152 (72.03%), strongly protested against the Orthodox Church, 46 of them (21.80%) being therefore imprisoned and 106 priests (50.23%) fought against the            so-called "religious association" through various means. In the period 1948-1965, 46 Greek Catholic priests from the Banat, were arrested by the Communists.

The oppression beginning in 1948 had as pretext a socalled
„religious unification”. In fact, a plan aiming to destroy
the Romanian Greek Catholicism, less accepted by the
communist authorities and the administration of the sister
Orthodox Church, existed. On one hand, the new political
régime of the Popular Republic had nothing to do with a
Church having its head outside the country (and,
consequently, could not be controlled) and, on the other hand,
the Orthodox Church could see its „dream”, the religious
unification, come true, even through force. Historiography is
responsible for pointing out the role of the State and of the
autochthonous Orthodox hierarchy in the fake action of
„reintegrating the ancestral Church”, based on more and more
available archives. But, the first step is made by the illustration
of the events prior to the Decree 358 from 1948, seeing the
attitude of the local and central State authorities, of the Greek
and Roman Catholic ecclesiastic institutions and that of the
Orthodoxy. The Greek-Catholic Eparchy of Lugoj is one of the five
dioceses on the canonical territory of this Romanian Church
that suffered as much as some others during the 41 years,
when the communist régime and the Orthodox hierarchy tried
to erase the torch of faith and culture, lighten by the
Mitropolits Teofil Şeremi and Atanasie Anghel, from the map
of the Romanian soul, at the end of the XVIIth century.
The present study does not intend to be a thoroughgoing
work, only trying to bring a small contribution to the historiography related to the beginning of the oppression of
the Greek-Catholic Church from 1948. Starting from an
historical résumé of the Greek Catholicism from this part of the
country (Banat and a small part of Ardeal), this work wants to
analyze the relations of the State with the Episcopacy of Lugoj,
during the dramatic year 1948, and to picture the so-called
„reintegration of the Romanian Church” on the territory under
the canonical jurisdiction of this Eparchy. This theme of ecclesiastic history had many times been
approached especially in some publications of the Eparchy or in
official syntheses of ecclesiastic history. During the communism,
the Romanian historiography avoided or censored the allusions
to the abolition of the Greek-Catholic Church.
The removal and fate of the clerics not “coming back” to
the Orthodoxy were mainly approached in the confessional
publications where, ignoring the implication of the repressive
apparatus of the communist State, was asserted that the most
Greek-Catholic priests and believers have willingly adhered to
the religious reintegration.
The context of the forced reintegration 61 years ago still
troubles those dedicated to the investigation of history. In the
Romanian history, 1948 is the first year of integral
communism. Now, the Romanian government changes
direction: the Soviet model replaces the traditional Occidental
one, the only model admitted (or better said the forcedly
imposed one); an expansive and omnipresent imitation
ferments the society: what happens in USSR becomes an
obligatory subject of political information and the Soviet
reality becomes “guide and beacon”.

Nicolae Brînzeu war einer der bedeutendsten Kleriker der griechisch-katholischen Diözese von Lugosch und der rumänischen Unierten Kirche. Er wurde am 17. August 1883 in Vulcan, Kreis Hunedoara, geboren, studierte am ungarischen Gymnasium „Bela Kun” in Broos und setzte sein Studium in Budapest und Wien fort, wo er Theologie studierte und seine Dissertation 1908 verteidigte. Im gleichen Jahr kehrte er nach Petroşani zurück, arbeitete dort als Kaplan, danach zwischen 1910-1917 als Pfarrer in Vulcan. In der Zeitspanne 1917-1920 wirkte er als Erzpriester in Großkomlosch. Im Jahre 1920 begann Brînzeu seine Arbeit als Redakteur der Zeitschrift „Drapelul“ in Lugosch und zugleich als Erzpriester im Konsistorium.
Ab 1921 arbeitete er als Kanoniker in der Diözese Lugosch und von 1937 bis zu seiner Pensionierung 1947 entfaltete er seine Tätigkeit als Probst des Domkapitels. Er beteiligte sich direkt am Prozess der Schaffung Großrumäniens nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg, organisierte in diesem besonderen Kontext am 7. November 1918 in Großkomlosch eine Nationale Versammlung und konnte somit an der Großen Nationalen Versammlung am 1. Dezember in Alba Iulia als befugter Vertreter teilnehmen. Nicolae Brînzeu veröffentlichte verschiedene theologische Schriften, gab verschiedene Publikationen heraus und war zugleich Mitarbeiter der wichtigsten Zeitschriften der damaligen Zeit.
Nach seinem Eintritt in den Ruhestand (und besonders nach 11 Jahren Tätigkeit als Domherr) wurde Nicolae Brînzeu am 28. Oktober 1948 zusammen mit dem Bischof Ioan Bălan von der Securitate verhaftet und kurz danach, zusammen mit anderen Klerikern, u.a. dem Kanoniker von Lugosch Iosif Verzog, dem Vikar Foraneu aus Temeswar, Iuliu Raţiu und dem Priester Ladislau Teglaşiu (aus Temeswar) nach Bukarest transportiert. Nach einem kurzen Aufenthalt in Bukarest wurde Brînzeu für eine gewisse Zeit in die Klöster Neamţ und Căldăruşani gebracht, später ins Gefängnis Sighet und letztendlich befand er sich in Călăraşi, Orăştie und Lugosch unter Hausarrest.
Diese Vorgehensweise setzte ein sogenanntes „schnelles und koordiniertes Handeln“ voraus, mit dem strategischen Ziel, die bischöflichen Residenzen zu übernehmen, alle unierten Bischöfe unter Hausarrest zu stellen und somit erfolgreich die klerikalen Propagandafaktoren zu bekämpfen. Der vom rumänischen Ministerium für Innere Angelegenheiten entworfene Plan hatte einen repressiven Charakter. Dementsprechend sollte man „alle Banditen verhaften“, die in irgendeiner Weise die Aktivität der „ehemaligen Bischöfe“ unterstützten, und all diese Verdächtigen in einem Kloster ausgrenzen.
In der nächsten Phase wurden alle unierten Kleriker aufgefordert, nach Bukarest zu kommen, um verhaftet und (wie oben beschrieben) in einem Kloster von der Öffentlichkeit isoliert zu werden. Gleichzeitig versuchte das Ministerium für Religiöse Angelegenheiten die bischöflichen Residenzen und die Kathedralen zu übernehmen.
Die letzte Phase war für diejenigen Kleriker bestimmt, die einen Übergang zur orthodoxen Glaubensgemeinschaft nicht akzeptierten. Ihnen wurde die Tatsache zur Kenntnis gebracht, dass die von ihnen betriebene religiöse Propaganda drastische Strafen als Konsequenz haben würde. Die meisten griechisch-katholischen Priester blieben ihren Bischöfen aber treu. Viele von diesen Priestern wurden verhaftet und ins Neamţ-Kloster gebracht.
Im Jahre 1950 wurden 59 Persönlichkeiten der griechisch-katholischen und römisch-katholischen Kirche, einschließlich Nicolae Brînzeu, nach Sighet transportiert. Die Strafanstalt Sighet, bekannt auch unter dem Namen „Colonia Dunărea“, galt als „spezielles Arbeitslager“, war aber in Wirklichkeit eine Einrichtung zur Ausrottung der Eliten Rumäniens und zugleich ein sicheres Gefängnis, wo die Fluchtmöglichkeiten quasi inexistent waren. Sighet lag sehr nahe an der Grenze zur Sowjetunion. Aus diesem Grund konnte man im Notfall die Gefangenen über die Grenze versetzen.
1955 fand als Folge der Genfer Konvention und des UNO-Beitritts der Volksrepublik Rumänien eine Amnestie statt. Einige politische Gefangene wurden befreit, andere in verschiedene Strafanstalten transferiert oder unter Hausarrest gestellt. Die Strafanstalt Sighet wurde wieder zu einem gewöhnlichen Gefängnis. Allerdings erschienen dort politische Gefangene auch in den kommenden Jahren, insbesondere als „Patienten“ des lokalen psychiatrischen Krankenhauses. Sie wurden aber nach kurzer Zeit in andere Strafanstalten gebracht oder unter Hausarrest gestellt.
Beginnend mit diesem Zeitpunkt bis zu seinem Tod gerieten die Tätigkeit und das alltägliche Leben von Nicolae Brînzeu ins Blickfeld der rumänischen Securitate. Die Securitate dokumentierte die Aktivitäten des Geistlichen Brînzeu eifrig im „Persönlichen Dossier des Geistlichen Nicolae Brînzeu“. Die Aktensammlung enthält 464 Blätter mit zahlreichen informativen Berichten, die nicht nur die Sorgen eines verheirateten Geistlichen zeigen, der sich kontinuierlich bemühte, die Interessen der griechisch-katholischen Kirche zu vertreten und zu verteidigen.
Die rumänische Geheimpolizei (Securitate) zeigte ein großes Interesse für Nicolae Brînzeu, insbesondere weil Brînzeu die griechisch-katholische Diözese in Lugosch in Abwesenheit des Bischofs verwaltete. Das persönliche Dossier des Priesters Dr. Nicolae Brînzeu erstreckt sich über eine Zeitspanne von 17 Jahren (1945-1962) und enthält 464 Blätter.
Die Aktensammlungen aus dem Archiv der Securitate waren in verschiedene Bestände eingeteilt: Verfolgungen, Dokumente, Informationsnetzwerk, Korrespondenz und Straftaten. Das Dossier von Nicolae Brînzeu ist Teil des Bestandes Verfolgungen.
In den Verfolgungsverfahren-Dossiers findet man grundsätzlich die folgenden Unterlagen: Aktionspläne (drei Pläne), Pläne zur Koordinierung der Informanten, informative Berichte (77 Berichte), den Briefwechsel des Verfolgten (bemerkenswert sind die Briefe an Bischof Ioan Bălan von Lugosch und an Bischof Alexandru Rusu von Maramureş), den hierarchisch geordneten Briefwechsel innerhalb der Securitate-Strukturen (z.B. vom Bezirk Lugosch zur Region Temeswar und weiter zur Generaldirektion für die Sicherheit des Volkes), Berichte der Securitate-Offiziere, Charakterisierungen und andere Informationen.
Man sollte berücksichtigen, dass alle archivierten Dokumente beginnend mit der Enstehung eines Dossiers, unabhänging vom zugeordneten Bestand, in Abhängigkeit von den Interessen der Securitate ausgewählt wurden. Diese Auswahl wurde kontinuierlich fortgesetzt, gleichzeitig mit dem Erscheinen von neuen Befehlen und Weisungen. Das kann man auch im Dossier von Nicolae Brînzeu bemerken, da die Nummerierung der Seiten drei Mal durchgeführt wurde. Die alten Ziffern wurden mit einer Linie durchgestrichen und die neuen Nummerierungen hatten immer kleinere Ziffern. Diese Nummerierungen können wie folgt erklärt werden: bestimmte Dokumente wurden ausgewählt oder in andere Aktensammlungen gruppiert, während andere Unterlagen zerstört wurden (besonders diejenigen, in denen Foltertaten

By establishing the Petru Groza government and the communist regime, at March 6, 1945, is starting the Moscow conducted plan to abolish the Greco-Catholic Church from Romania. This scenario was applied for the first time in Ukraine during the „synode” from Lwow, at March 8-10, 1946, in which it was decided to be „received” the ukrainians greco-catholics into the Orthodox Church. In 1948 the Ukrainian pattern experienced in Ukraine was transferred in Romania.
The Greco-Catholic Church from Romania was outlawry because its past of militancy for the independence of Transylvania was perceived as a threat by the communist regime. In this respect, the communist regime used the Orthodox Romanian Church and the „religious union” in order to achieve its goal. This idea was conveyed in the public space in the name of “drawing” of the Greco-catholic priests into the  Orthodox Romanian Church. The decision to ban the Greco-Catholic Church was made because the communist regime wanted a church which can be controlled and not with leadership abroad.
The Greco-Catholic bishops were aware of the danger which is threating their church. In this respect, they sent memoirs to the communist authorities telling them that they preferred to die rather than leave their confession. They truly believed that through this attitude not only they could achieve their soul salvation, but also they serve the interests of their people. They have found in their belief the courage to  confront the communist regime and to accept the long penalties in prisons. It is a fact that the clandestinely consecrated bishops Ioan Polscaru, Alexandru Todea, Iuliu Hirţea, Ioan Dragomir heroically resisted to all the presures of the communist regime. These new hierachs clearly affirmes that they will never give up to their religious convictions .
This volume contents the correspondence of the Bishop Ioan Ploscaru with the hierarchs of the Greco-Catholic Church. This correspondence reveals the worries of these hierarchs about the future of the Greco-Catholic Church and the intention of the communist regime to form in Romania a Catholic Unit Church without any relation with the Holy See. Part of this plan was that the greco-catholic priests to be hired as common labours and receive pension from the Orthodox Church. But accepting whose money it was signifying the acceptance of the abolishing of the Greco-Catholic Church and the „unification” from 1948 .
The conclusions of this volume are made by the Bishop Ioan Ploscaru in two identified documents. The first document is a letter adressed to the Cardinal Iuliu Döpfner. It was written by the Bishop Ioan Ploscaru on canvas, on November 12, 1968, and delivered to Hieronymus Menges in order to give to the Cardinal. The second document is a presentation about the Greco-Catholic Church during the communist regime. This lecture belongs to the Bishop Ioan Ploscaru and it was made during his visit in France (March,13-23, 1994) when he presents the situation of the Romanian Greco-Catholic Church during the communist regime.

În perioada interbelică s-a dezvoltat un adevărat curent
al monografiilor istorice dedicate unor localităŃi rurale si
urbane. Autorii acestor monografii urmăreau, în primul rând, să
impună o imagine istorică romantică, deseori tributară unor
scopuri politice sau ideologice. Mai ales în Banatul multietnic
se poate observa până-n 1944 o adevărată explozie publicistică
prin care autorii unor astfel de monografii căutau să-si impună
punctele de vedere impregnate de un patriotism local
supradimensionat. Redactate, de obicei, în spiritul unui
pronunŃat etnocentrism, autorii unor astfel de monografii
atribuiau unor naŃionalităŃi nu numai merite civilizatorii
exagerate, ci ei încercau, deseori, să si distorsioneze anumite
realităŃi neconvenabile. În anumite localităŃi se putea constata o
adevărată competiŃie între autorii unor monografii, aparŃinând
diferitelor grupuri etnice. Autorii acestor lucrări erau de obicei
învăŃători sau preoŃi. Din cauza aceasta, monografiile au o
valoare stiinŃifică redusă, cuprinzând pe lângă interpretările
eronate ale unor documente sau fenomene istorice numeroase
greseli de metodologie1.
LocalităŃii bănăŃene Comlosul-Mare, i-au fost dedicate
două monografii, una în limba română, alta în germană:
Gheorghe Cotosman, "Din trecutul Banatului. Comuna si
bisericile din Comlosul-Mare si Lunga. Monografie istorică"
(Timisoara, 1934) si Martin Kurzhals, "Kurze Geschichte des
Banates und seine deutsche Besiedlung. Die Vergangenheit des
Dorfes Groskomlosch. Die Familie Nako" (Scurtă istorie a
Banatului si a colonizării sale germane. Trecutul satului
Comlosul-Mare. Familia Nako), (Timisoara).
Principalele surse ale acestei lucrări sunt Arhiva Episcopiei Romano-catolice din Timisoara si Arhiva
Episcopiei Române Unite de Lugoj. Sunt unele documente care
sunt inserate în lucrare, în special cele în limba română, iar
documentele scrise în alte limbi, precum germană, maghiară,
latină au fost traduse, si unele texte din lucrarea lui Martin
Kurzhals, "Kurze Geschichte des Banates und seine deutsche
Besiedlung. Die Vergangenheit des Dorfes Groskomlosch. Die
Familie Nako".
Această lucrare încearcă să observe îndeaproape
evoluŃia satului, în special a cultelor religioase: ortodox,
romano-catolic si greco-catolic si a scolilor confesionale ale
acestor culte, mai ales scoala confesională romano catolică
condusă de surorile de caritate ale ordinului Sfântul VincenŃiu
de Paul.
Demersul acestei lucrări este să reconstituie ansamblul
factorilor ce au dus la evoluŃia ascendentă a comunei. Din
această evoluŃie a satului si a populaŃiei, a progresului realizat
în timp de sistemul educaŃional, precum si din realităŃile din
viaŃa confesională, cu întreruperi generate de regimurile
politice, rezultă un tablou al satului din judeŃul Timis, dinamic,
receptiv la modernizare.

Acest mic volum comun ce poartă un titlu destul de
sugestiv: “Din trecutul Comloşului” se doreşte a fi un
bun punct de pornire în descoperirea trecutului nostru
local. În acest prim volum am abordat două subiecte de
istorie culturală ale Comloşului precum şi două subiecte
de istorie ecleziastică.
În comuna Comloşu Mare au trăit de-a lugul
veacurilor şi consăteni sârbi, care sunt cinstiţi în istoria
culturală a sârbilor din lumea întragă Dintre aceştia sunt
evidenţiaţi în rândurile acestui volum: Jovan Nako,
Hristofor Schiffman şi Dušan Ristić. De prezentarea lor se
ocupă domnul inginer Stevan Bugarski, unul dintre cei
mai buni cunoscători ai graiului sârbilor din România,
care alături de crearea de literatură propriu-zisă are şi
uneori atât de, azi, rara şi profunda preocupare pentru
studierea moştenirii tradiţiilor poporului său.
Pentru domnul Stevan Bugarski anul 1982 a fost
hotărâtor în activitatea din domeniul monografic. Atunci a
fost tipărită prima monografie a literaturii minorităţilor
sârbe din ţara noastră: Po Semartonu kroz prostor i vreme
/ Prin Sânmartin, prin spaţiu şi timp (Bucuresti, 1982).
Până în prezent (singur sau în colaborare cu Svetozar
Marcov ori Liubomir Stepanov), a publicat zece
monografii, trezind un interes deosebit pentru acest mod
de cercetare şi păstrare a tradiţiei.
Un alt capitol din acest volum este dedicat revistei
Suflet Nou. În acesta, domnul profesor Traian Galetaru ne
creionează itinerariul acestei reviste de-a lungul timpului
şi etapele ei de dezvoltare pe care le-a cunoscut până în
prezent.
Un capitol important din această lucrare este
prezentarea parohilor Bisericii Romano-Catolice din
Comloşu Mare. Comunitatea comloşeană se poate bucura
de toate aceste date datorită domnului Claudiu Călin,
arhivist al Episcopiei Romano-Catolice de Timişoara. Tot
pe această cale mulţumim Episcopiei Romano-Catolice de
Timişoara pentru multele şi frumoasele date furnizate.
Ultimul capitol din această lucrare este dedicat
Prepozitului Dr. Nicolae Brânzeu, paroh, pentru o
perioadă de timp, al Bisericii Române Unite cu Roma,
Greco-Catolice din Comloş. A fost un preot de seamă nu
numai al parohiei unite a Comloşului, ci şi al întregii
Biserici Greco-Catolice, deoarece a avut o înaltă ţinută
morală, a scris mult şi a sfârşit tragic în închisorile
comuniste precum marii ierarhi ai Bisericii Catolice de
ambele rituri din România. Prezentarea acestui preot este
realizată de domnul Sergiu Soica.
Sperăm că aceste patru teme propuse în rândurile
acestui volum să fie de bun augur pentru viaţa culturală a
comunităţii locale şi nu numai, şi mai sperăm că acest
volum să fie doar primul dintr-o serie care să se continue
mulţi ani de acum încolo.

Drumul Bisericii Greco-Catolice din România nu a fost
niciodată usor, după cum o demonstrează vicisitudinile prin
care a trecut. În decursul secolului al XX-lea i s-a cerut acesteia
si slujitorilor săi o dureroasă si grea mărturie de fidelitate fată
de exigenŃa evanghelică a unităŃii; în aceste împrejurări ea s-a
dovedit a fi Biserica martirilor si mărturisitorilor de credinŃă ai
adevărului si iubirii.
Cu toate dificultătile pe care le-a avut de întâmpinat în
fata întregii comunităti crestine, Biserica Greco-Catolică este si
un martor deosebit al valorii esenŃiale a unităŃii bisericesti. În
special activitatea Arhiepiscopului Ioan Ploscaru în cea de-a
doua jumătate a secolului al XX-lea, în epoca totalitarismului
comunist, a trebuit să îndure o crâncenă încercare meritându-si
pe drept faima de mărturisitor al credintei.
În prima parte a acestei lucrări am prezentat un scurt
istoric al Eparhiei de Lugoj cu scopul de a evidentia devenirea
si continuitatea acesteia în spatiu si timp. Datele biografice, cu
reliefarea studiilor si a primelor misiuni care i-au fost
încredintate de către Biserică lui Ioan Ploscaru, sustin
perspectiva mărturiei la care va fi chemat de către o
conjunctură total nefavorabilă, socio-politică, de după cel de-al
doilea război mondial.
Un spatiu important, cu creionarea principalelor puncte
de referintă, este dedicat măsurilor de reprimare a Bisericii
Greco-Catolice si a întregii intelectualităti românesti
postbelice. Toate acestea cu scopul de a oferi o perspectivă
generală asupra modului de lucru al clasei politice românesti
aservită ideologiei marxist-staliniste.
Lucrarea se ocupă si de anii petrecuti în închisori de
către Arhiepiscopul Ploscaru; n-a renuntat nicidecum să-si
părăsească Biserica pe care o slujea, fapt ce reiese clar din cea de-a doua arestare a sa si din memoriile adresate Guvernului,
până la legalizarea ei din luna decembrie 1989.
După 1989 perspectivele s-au schimbat radical.
Biserica, reintrată în legalitate, avea nevoie de abnegatia si
dăruirea celor care, timp de 40 de ani, au mărturisit-o în
catacombe. Opera densă a Arhiepiscopului este un semnal al
celei „de-a doua tinereti”, o tinerete împărtăsită în numele
Bisericii. Tematica variată din opera sa vine să suplinească un
gol în formarea credinciosilor, vine să răspundă necesitătilor
catehetice si spirituale ale acestora. Sub forma unui jurnal de
memorii, în care detaliul este bine evidentiat, apare mărturia
vietii Arhiepiscopului si a fratilor săi de credintă, minister
sacerdotal si suferintă.
Martirii si mărturisitorii cauzei Bisericii Greco-Catolice
precum Arhiepiscopul Ioan Ploscaru, care slujesc ziua si
noaptea în templul lui Dumnezeu, mijlocesc împreună pentru
credinciosii lor, bucurându-se din partea acestora de o
adevărată si profundă veneratie.
Mărturia martirajului, profesiunea de credintă în Hristos
si în unitatea Bisericii sale „se înaltă ca fumul de tămâie a
jertfei de seară”, spre tronul lui Dumnezeu în numele
întregii Biserici, bucurându-se de stima si devotiunea ei.

In the particular political context of the 20th century, the year
1948 represented an important turning point for the history of the
Greek-Catholic Church. In Romania the political stakeholders proclaimed
“the total superiority of the communist ideology”. This was the
beginning of the Greek-Catholic martyrdom. The was also affected by
the ideological measures. In particular, according to the decree regarding
the dissolution of the Greek Catholic Church, 54 Greek Catholic
priests (25%) being therefore imprisoned. In the period 1948–1965, 54
Greek Catholic priests from the Diocese of Oradea, were arrested by the Communists. The ordeal began in the prisons Oradea and Satu
Mare. However, after a short time the prisoners were transferred to
other prisons. Six clerics of the Diocese of Oradea were transferred to
the high-security prison Sighet. Considered as a “prison of the elites”,
Sighet functioned as an extermination center for many Greek Catholic
clerics as well as for many former interwar politicians. In Sighet, the
Greek Catholic clerics were the second largest group of prisoners.
According to Decision no. 64/14 January 1950, issued by the Ministry
of Internal Affairs, the clerics in the detention center Sighet (also called
Colonia Dunărea) had to be kept under strict observation. In this
prison three Greek Catholic bishops died: Valeriu Traian Frenţiu, Ioan
Suciu and Tit Liviu Chinezu. During the detention time, the Securitate
tried to convince the clerics, to give up their faith and to accept the new
political order. From communist point of view, the Sighet detention
center was best suited for clerical convicts, because it was very close to
the Soviet border and the architectural style allowed a complete isolation
of prisoners. For the inmates Sighet meant, above all: isolation,
starvation and extreme cold. The main objective of the entire prison
system in communist Romania was undoubtedly the total dehumanization
and finally the extermination of political prisoners. This prison,
(Central-Sighet), had the highest death rate compared with the other
Romanian prisons. The bodies of the dead prisoners were transported
during the night with a car on the outskirts of Sighet and thrown into
mass graves. The release of the Greek Catholic clerics from this prison
in 1955, did not last long. They were rearrested and transferred to other
prisons.
The labor camps were other detention facilities, designated for the
imprisonment of the Greek Catholic clergy of the Diocese of Oradea.
The “benefits” of such labor camps were varied: punishment, rehabilitation,
eradication of politically undesirable people, terrorization
of population and of course, free manpower. This category of prisons
includes: the Danube-Black Sea Canal, the coal mines in the north of
the country and Balta Brailei (in these detention camps were imprisoned
34 priests of the Diocese of Oradea). Another category of these
labor camps, were the so-called “distribution centers” (temporary residence
for political prisoners).
Besides the above-mentioned prisons there were additional penitentiaries:
Aiud, Arad, Borzeşti, Botoşani, Caransebeş, Cluj-Napoca,
Codlea, Văcăreşti, Dej, Galaţi, Gherla, Jilava, Lugoj, Oneşti, Oradea,
Piteşti, Satu Mare, Timişoara, Uranus etc.
The prison system in communist Romania meant for the majority
of the clerical elites a crucial turning point in their life. Many clerics
have died; others could somehow survive this terrible experience;
most of them kept their dignity during that ideological ordeal. The
ideological aggression was a constant phenomenon in the existence of
the Romanian society. The power structures of the communist regime
systematically tried to intimidate the society. This aspect was clearly
underlined by the historian Dennis Deletant: “the fear has become a
second nature”.

There are many well documented works about the history
of the Greco‑Catholic Church from Romania, but there
are only few related to the Greco‑Catholic Diocese from
Oradea.
During the communist regime the Greco‑Catholic Diocese from
Oradea was organized by a Bishopric located in Oradea, two vicarages
(in Sătmar and Sălaj) and nine deaneries (in Beiuş, Carei, Ier,
Marghita, Supur, Şimleu, Tăşnad, Zalău and Central one).
The pressures of the Communist regime became tougher in 1947,
when Groza’s government censored or even banned the publications
of the Greek‑Catholic Church. Many priests have been arrested
under the pretext of supporting the „reactionary parties”, mainly the
National Peasants’ Party. The confessional education system has been
badly affected by the introduction of the article 27 of the Constitution
in 1948. The decree 175 from August 3rd, 1948, stipulated the reorganization
of the education system, so that all confessional or private
schools became state‑owned schools. The decree 176 from 1948 stipulated
that all the goods belonging to the church, congregations or
individuals that were previously used in educational or confessional
purposes would be transferred under the authority of the state. The
next measure that affected the Greek‑Catholic Church was the denunciation
of the Concordat signed between Romania and the Holly See
of the Catholic Church on June 12th, 1929, enacted by the decree 151
from July, 19th, 1948. It was soon followed by the Law of the Religious
Organizations on August 4th, 1948, which enforced that “no religious
cult is allowed to maintain contacts with persons or institutions
located outside the national territory, without the official permission
of the Government”.
In order to communicate with the Holly See, the Romanian
Greek‑Catholic Church was supposed to get the approval of the Prime
Minister Petru Groza, the Minister of Cults, Stanciu Stoian and the
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ana Pauker. The law also specified that for
a Diocese to function, it would need to have 750.000 adherents. This
meant that only two Dioceses would continue to exist, because according
to the Pontifical Yearbook of 1948 its membership was 1,600,857.
The law became effective in September 1948, when the Bishops Ioan
Bălan, Alexandru Rusu and Valeriu Traian Frenţiu were forced to retire,
while the Bishop Ioan Suciu wasn’t recognized anymore by the communist
regime. The period between October and December 1948 was full
of significance for the Greek‑Catholic Church. On October 1st, a pseudo‑synod
was held at Cluj‑Napoca (similar to the one in Ukraine),
where 37 Greek‑Catholic priests signed the adhesion to the Romanian
Orthodox Church. The next day, on October 2nd, 1948, the Bishop Iuliu
Hossu excommunicated all the clerics who participated at this synod.
But following these events, at the end of October, the leaders of the
Greek‑Catholic Church were arrested and the Greek‑Catholic Church
itself was banned, as an effect of the decree 358 from December 1st, 1948.
In order to prohibit the Greco‑Catholic Church the communist
regime from Romania has decided the religious „union”, an extended
plan mastered by the Ministry of Cults on August 29, 1948. For sustaine
this plan the efforts of the communist regime were supported by
the Security Service (Securitatea).
The Security Service (Securitatea) was founded by the Decree nr. 221
of the Presidium of the Great National Gathering of the Popular
Republic of Romania from August 28, 1948. The founding document
mentioned: „The General Direction of the People’s Security (DGPS)
has the duty of defending the democratic achievements and the
ensuring the security of the Popular Repulic of Romania against the
inside and the outside enemies” (2006, Dobre Florica (coord.), Banu
Florian, Bărbulescu Theodor, Ivan Duică, Ţăranu, Liviu (authors),
Securitatea, Structures – frameworks. Goals and methods (1948–1967),
Vol. I, The Enciclopedic Publishing House, Bucharest).
The Romanian Securitate represented the efforts of the communist
regime between 1945 and 1948 in order to create a more effective
surveillance and repression service. By founding this service
the communist regime „has officially certified itself as police state”
(Dobre 2006: IX).
By lecturing the following document sone can observe the attitude
of the Securitate to the bishops, priests, clercs and seculars and also to
the Greco‑Catholic Diocese from Oradea during the year 1948.

„...mi-am dat seama că şi un om mic ca mine are momente de înregistrat, care contribuie mult la cunoaşterea lucrurilor şi persoanelor cu care a avut contact. Eu, deşi n-am ajuns şi nu voi putea ajunge să am un rol de conducător în Biserică, soarta mi-a dat prilejul să trăiesc momente ale căror înregistrare va contribui la cunoaşterea unor lucruri şi persoane din Biserică. Merită, deci, să le înregistrez.” - Nicolae Brinzeu

„...mi-am dat seama că şi un om mic ca mine are momente de înregistrat, care contribuie mult la cunoaşterea lucrurilor şi persoanelor cu care a avut contact. Eu, deşi n-am ajuns şi nu voi putea ajunge să am un rol de conducător în Biserică, soarta mi-a dat prilejul să trăiesc momente ale căror înregistrare va contribui la cunoaşterea unor lucruri şi persoane din Biserică. Merită, deci, să le înregistrez.” - Nicolae Brînzeu

După primul război mondial, Petru Groza făcea parte din mica grupare a unor tineri curajoşi care au cutezat să critice activitatea fostului Consiliu Dirigent al Ardealului şi la îngroparea căruia şi-au dat concursul, în calitate de secretari generali ai ministerelor respective de la Bucureşti, lichidatori ai diferitelor resorturi din Consiliul Dirigent. Curând, Groza a ajuns Ministru al Ardealului în guvernarea primă a lui Averescu (1920-21). În această calitate, el a căutat să evite nemulţumirile neamurilor conlocuitoare, iar pentru românii din Ardeal să desfiinţeze regionalismul, mai ales în cele politice.

,,Sunt mulţumit dacă putem să ne vedem – pe lângă
fotografii – prin scrisori. Vă rog, gândiţi-Vă ce bucurie
îmi fac numai câteva rânduri! Şi asta V-o cer, vouă şi
tuturor cărora le scriu: după fiecare epistolă a mea câte
o carte poştală prin care să-mi comunicaţi că mi-aţi
primit scrisoarea. Ca să fiu liniştit că nu a rătăcit în altă
parte. Sunt dispus să Vă trimit cartea poştală adresată gata,
numai să-i puneţi răspunsul pe ea! Nu-mi luaţi în nume de
rău, dar în izolarea aceasta de voi, vă închipuiți ce bine-mi
cade scrisul vostru, numai să-l văd, numai două rânduri.”
(8 iulie 1952)
                                                                    Nicolae Brînzeu